Luxury For Them; Austerity For Us

Renew America asks a pointed  question about austerity for the proles versus r-‘n-r for the elites.

Note: we don’t think Michele Obama is any worse than any other presidential spouse…but…BUT…we are in the biggest recession since the Great Depression and her husband did spend a lot of his stump time “feeling our pain.”

So..hmm…I don’t recall him saying he would be doing it from Marbella?

Come on. If King Barack could wag his finger at Tony Hayward…a private executive… for taking time out in the middle of the Gulf oil spill crisis, then shouldn’t he be a little circumspect about his own glass house? (And yes, we know that Hayward and BP are as much about “the private sector” as Obama and the government are about “public service”). This Renew America commentary is perhaps ungenerous…but then again, why should generosity be a one-way street? People are cutting back all over the country. Do the Obamas really need eight vacations in a year?

“One of the fun games I used to play at cocktail parties was theorizing what a current politician had been in a former lifetime. Snickering over Henry Kissinger being a reincarnation of Cardinal Woolsey or Benito Mussolini popping back as Janet Napolitano only shows how obscure things can get after a few tequila shooters. However, there is nothing obscure about the current comparison between First Lady Michelle “Let ’em eat arugala” Obama and France’s 18th Century Queen, Marie “Let ’em eat cake” Antoinette.

Unlike with Marie Antoinette, Michelle’s critics don’t have to go apophrycal when it comes to her living large on the taxpayers’ dime. In a nation where food stamps, unemployment benefits, mortgage foreclosures and a steadily declining standard of living are fast becoming the norm, Michelle Obama is on her eighth vacation this year, living la vida ultima maxima with 40 of her closest gal pals at the Hotel Villa Padierna, one of the poshest hotels in the world let alone Marbella, Spain.

Estimates for the deluxe rooms, travel, food, Secret Service entourage, tourism, flight readiness/maintenance, local police action, like clearing off a public beach for Michelle and daughter, Sasha, are running close to half a million dollars. Limp excuses coming out of the White House Press Room like, “They’re paying for their personal expenses out of their own pockets.” (Like what? Toothpaste?) or “She’s visiting the King and Queen of Spain so that makes Michelle’s trip a public function.” ring hollow. If Michelle was truly visiting Spain on a goodwill tour, she’d be parking herself and her daughter with a minimal staff at the American Embassy in Madrid.

Even Argentina’s corrupt Eva Peron’s “Rainbow” good will tour actually brought tourism dollars back to her country. The only thing Michelle Obama will bring back with her is resentment over having to return to Washington, DC.

Now add up all this tin-ear extravagance of the First Lady with Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi’s taxpayer paid perks like $60,000 a year for office flowers alone, her commandeering of Air Force jets for private travel for herself and her family, the obscenely high rent of $18,736.00 per month she pays for her offices in San Francisco, and you have only scratched the surface marked “Waste of Taxpayers’ Money.”

Seriously, if those and thousands of other extravagant examples of fraud, waste and abuse are financed eagerly and without scrutiny by the General Services Administration, why are we being told that we must have our taxes raised? Just look at the utter surprise and shock on the faces of Congressman Charlie Rangel (D — NY) and Congresswoman Maxine Waters (D — CA) at being brought to task for what they consider “business as usual” fraud and ethics violations. Why isn’t anyone pointing out that if the government has this much money to throw around on nonessentials then it is collecting too much money to begin with?

Is it truly necessary to pump another 10, 20, 30 billion US Dollars into the kleptocratic bank accounts of African leaders under the guise of foreign aid? To what end? Did all our bribe money to Kim Jong Il of North Korea ever buy one minute of his or his nation’s good behavior? Why do we still need WWII military bases 65 years after hostilities ceased in countries that while they claim to still need our protection from whatever perceived political bogeymen are still out there, are openly hostile to our continued presence? What about all the US blood, ruined lives and treasure poured into Iraq and Afghanistan only to have those nations scheduled by the Democrats for abandonment next year?

Swinging back to more White House extravagance, do we really need to foot the bill for $100,000.00 plus Presidential date nights in New York or Chicago or photo ops buzzing the Statue of Liberty? Every third night there’s some sort of unnecessary gala or banquet going on where the Obama’s simply must be feted. All that expensive and distractive adoration leads one to wonder if the Obamas have yet to figure out how to operate the television remote control in their living quarters. Perhaps Michelle just calls down to one of 122 staff members to come up and switch channels for her.

The Obamas and their grotesque sense of entitlement are simply a sick manifestation of the socialist elites’ mindset. One of the dirty little secrets of that parasitical class is that they don’t really believe in socialism for themselves. It is simply a political tool with which to claw their way up what they see as the political dung heap. They are the roosters, if you will, of that dung heap. Standing proud and tall on the mess that they have created, dumping excrement on everyone beneath themselves, and crowing loudly in exultation as the sun warms their fine feathers all the while unaware that the Gods of the Copybook Heading are sharpening their axes for a Sunday dinner day of reckoning.”

India: Dialogue Best Way To Tackle Pakistani Support For Terrorism

Indian’s foreign secretary Nirupama Rao wisely puts Wikileaks, third-party meddling, and the Global War on Terror in their places, using the language of national and regional interests (which conform, in this context, to the libertarian principles of subsidiarity and localism)

NEW DELHI: It is vital to talk to Pakistan despite WikiLeaks expose on the role of the Pakistani intelligence in terror attacks on Indian interests, Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao has said.

In a wide-ranging interview with a private news channel, Rao also made it clear that Islamabad cannot be given a blank cheque on the future of Afghanistan.

Underlining that dialogue was the most effective means of addressing contentious issues, she said that giving up the talks would not serve any purpose “in getting Pakistan to stop its pursuit of terrorism against India”.

The foreign secretary was asked if this held true despite WikiLeaks disclosures that Pakistan was directly and clearly involving in instigating terror against India, including in Afghanistan.

“I believe that dialogue is the most effective means to tackle outstanding issues with Pakistan,” she said. “In other words, dialogue is the most intelligent means of addressing points of contention.”

Dialogue, she said, “has served the purpose of putting across our deepest concerns in Pakistan”.

She said that what WikiLeaks had come out with was known to India for a long time.

“The role of officials agencies from Pakistan in promoting terrorism against India is something we have been speaking of and drawing attention to for a long time now,” Rao said.

“We understand and we know that country better perhaps than any other country in the world.”

She denied that India was dependent on the US to curb Pakistan’s terror machine.

“We are not dependent on any third country when it comes to transacting relations with Pakistan,” she said. “We deal directly with Pakistan, and bilateral issues are taken up bilaterally with that country.”

Turning to Afghanistan, Rao said that Washington’s increasing leaning on Islamabad for an American military withdrawal would not diminish Indian interests in that country.

“We are confident about our profile in Afghanistan and the fact that our interests will be well recognized by the international community,” she said.

“This is increasingly evident in the dialogue we have with our key partners.”

Rao added that “Pakistan cannot be given a blank cheque” vis-a-vis Afghanistan and any assistance to Pakistan ostensibly for counter-insurgency “could very well be used against India as the history of the last 60 years goes”.

She sought to allay fears that Pakistan would virtually take over Afghanistan once the US military left, saying Afghans were too independent a people to allow themselves to be subjugated.

“Afghanistan is a fiercely independent country. And the take away we have had from meetings with the Afghan leadership in the recent past is that they are zealous about guarding that independence.”

A former Indian envoy in Beijing, Rao said the relationship between India and China was complex but would be the “big story of the 21st century”.

“A story based on dialogue, which we intend to conduct intelligently and which we intend to conduct with confidence so that our concerns are protected always,” she added.

“Rao said the two Asian giants not only have a multi-pronged, multi-sectoral dialogue but also consulted each other on multilateral issues.

India and China fought a war in 1962 but have since witnessed an increasing economic relationship, with trade volume expected to increase to $60 billion by the end of this year.”

Gurdjieff: The Fourth Way

One must do everything one can and then say ‘God have Mercy!’ “

— G. I. Gurdjieff

The idea of the fourth way is strongly associated with Gurdjieff, who appears to have been the first to use this phrase. The bulk of his discussion of this idea is to be found in Ouspensky’s record of his teaching in Russia, In Search of the Miraculous. In his own writings, the idea is implicit but never mentioned as such (this is similar to his teaching on the enneagram). In Russia, he referred to three traditional ways:

  1. Way of the Fakir, involving effort in the body
  2. Way of the Monk, involving devotion and concentration of feeling
  3. Way of the Yogi, involving largely mental attention.

In the fourth way, effort is made in all three: body, feeling and mind. This is harmonious development, as in Gurdjieff’s Institute for the Harmonious Development of Man. To some degree, his series of movements or ‘sacred gymnastics’ epitomised this approach (in the learning of them rather than their performance). His inner exercises, insofar as these are reported, usually involved an act of mental concentration combined with physical effort; the feelings are also involved but spontaneously in the ‘I am’ state.

As with the other ways, the fourth requires its own kind of social organisation. How this has been interpreted has varied from group to group. However, in contrast with the traditional ways, the fourth does not require separation from conditions of ordinary life. Indeed, Gurdjieff often indicated that these conditions were ideal, especially in times of turmoil, for the ‘awakening’ process that he so strongly advocated and which is integral to the effectiveness of the fourth way. At the same time, work with others of like mind is essential.

Some of the reasons for this are:

(a) Different types of people see the same thing differently and thus a group working together can get an all round understanding (this is only valid if the ‘work group’ contains enough diversity, which is often not the case).
(b) Differences between people can lead to useful ‘friction’ providing energy for inner work.

It should be noted here that the latter consideration has led to considerable indulgence in negativity amongst Gurdjieff groups, and it must be remembered that such friction, to be useful, must be entirely voluntarily entertained and intelligent. Gurdjieff also said: ‘In the fourth way there are many teachers’. This belongs to the same requirement for diversity of vision. In the fourth way here should not be adherence to ritual, blind obedience or pursuit of a single idea, but understanding.

The fourth way is also the way of the sly man. Of him, Gurdjieff said that if he needs to obtain an inner result, he simply ‘takes a pill’. To obtain the same results the traditional ways would take days, weeks, months. The pill in question is probably not a psychotropic drug but a capsule of ‘intentional suffering’.

Why would the fourth way be introduced in this time and, is it something new? To answer the last question first, it is probably not; but, every time it is introduced it has to take a new expression. To a large extent, Idries Shah claimed that Sufism incorporated Gurdjieff’s idea of the fourth way; but it is common to find explanations for the sources of Gurdjieff’s ideas from whatever tradition one upholds. However, the Sufi idea of ‘being in the world but not of it’ strikes a resonance with the fourth way. To answer why it was introduced at this time is not easy. There are suggestions that, in this time of rapid transition and exceeding turmoil, new impulses need to enter humanity and these cannot be transmitted fast enough through the traditional ways.

This is problematic. There are no clear cut indications from Gurdjieff about the relation between ‘fourth way people’ and the rest of humanity. At the same time, we assume that Gurdjieff being an intelligent man did not believe that his ideas were the sole source of fourth way initiative in the world. One of the models for Gurdjieff’s own endeavour is provided by Arnold Toynbee’s concept of ‘creative groups’ that withdraw and concentrate and then re-enter their civilisations with new ideas and impulses.

The practice of the fourth way seems to require a special very adaptable know-how and cannot be followed by adherence to any set of standard procedures. Needless to say, the form of the fourth way has become ossified in many groups which have settled into a pattern of working together that has its roots in previous experience. But, if understanding is crucial to this way, then it must be creative and find ways of challenging itself. Understanding requires conditions of uncertainty, change, diversity and challenge. We believe that this understanding is not at all the same as seeking to understand what Mr Gurdjieff meant. In the literature, reference is made to the critical transformative step called the ‘second conscious shock’. It is said that this must always and in every case be unique.

This leads us to suppose that there is a whole class of approaches similar to the fourth way which exhibit various degrees of uniqueness and specificity. In this context, we need to develop our own way in every moment.

The fourth way is associated with the term ‘work’, which had great appeal in terms of the Protestant ethic. This term refers to conscious efforts by an individual to change herself and also the whole ‘enabling means’ that makes this possible, sometimes called ‘The Work’. The ‘work’ divides into three aspects: (1) work for oneself; (2) work for the group; (3) work for the greater whole (the ‘world’, the ‘Work’, even ‘God’). These three should be in balance. This scheme leaves itself open to a variety of interpretations, of various degrees of spiritual orientation. For example, John Bennett came close to identifying The Work with God. In this respect, one might easily find intense resonances with Gnostic teachings.

Bennett also gave rise to another scheme of the seven lines of work. Some of these were ‘active’ (effort) and others ‘receptive’. Over the years since Gurdjieff’s death there had been a tendency to bring in more passive lines of work such as is loosely called ‘meditation’; but, perhaps more importantly, some began to suspect the critical importance of being able to learn, which is a receptive act. There was also one line neither active nor receptive, but ‘reconciling’. In this line, it is the Work that manifests through us.

Finally, what is the fourth way and/or the Work to achieve? In brief, to cease to be a slave of external and internal influences and be able to contribute consciously towards the working of the whole.”

Wikileaks Sources In Sweden Unprotected, Report Confirms

An earlier  report from Euractiv (which styles itself as a “cross-lingual” network of news) claimed that Swedish law protects whistle-blowers who post documents to Wikileaks. This has been repeated like a mantra across the MSM. Now we have a Swedish newspaper report that confirms the opinion of more informed critics that Wikileaks‘ claims of protection under Swedish law are exaggerated and false. Swedish law requires a license before protection can be claimed, and Wikileaks doesn’t have one. So anyone who leaked documents to it would indeed be vulnerable. Just as Wikileaks’ original co-founder John Young of Cryptome pointed out, Wikileaks is guilty, at the very least, of overpromising security. That certainly adds to suspicions about its true nature:

“Whistle-blower website WikiLeaks did not have a licence to publish material in Sweden and its claim that its sources were protected by Swedish constitutional law could therefore be questioned, reports said Saturday.WikiLeaks recently published thousands of pages of classified documents detailing the war in Afghanistan. The move was criticised by the governments of Afghanistan and the United States, among others.The whistle-blower’s website says that material is “routed via Sweden and Belgium which have first rate journalist-source shield laws.”But the Swedish Freedom of the Press Act requires a certificate of publication issued by the Radio and TV Authority that lists a publisher who can, for instance, be prosecuted for publishing information.Both the Sydsvenskan daily and Swedish radio’s media affairs programme Medierna on Saturday carried interviews with media and legal experts who said that since WikiLeaks did not have a licence to publish material in Sweden, authorities could therefore probe sources without violating press freedom and freedom of speech laws.Medierna said it had tried to contact WikiLeaks about the issue, and late Friday received an email from WikiLeaks co-founder and editor in chief Julian Assange saying that the site’s lawyers would look into the matter.”To my mind, it is too simple to claim that all WikiLeaks sources are totally protected in Sweden,” Hakan Rustand, deputy Chancellor of Justice told Sydsvenskan.The Chancellor of Justice is the sole prosecutor in cases concerning offences against freedom of the press and freedom of expression.”If the constitutional laws are non-applicable, ordinary liability laws take effect. This means a source could be brought to court by a common prosecutor,” Rustand added.Journalist Anders R Olsson, a specialist on freedom of speech, observed that “even when the publisher is protected by constitutional law, the ban on investigating sources isn’t watertight.”

“In the case of top secret information that is of great importance to the military, police and prosecutors have a duty to try to find the leak and prosecute the source,” he said.”

The Reece Committee: Social Sciences As A Tool For Control

From The Old Thinker (hat-tip to The Daily Bell comments page:

(Note: the goals of the elites are not in themselves “evil,” which is the common assumption. In fact, they’re downright noble.  Harping on the “evil” essence of world government is thus misleading. The real issue is that it matters very little if an objective is good or bad, if the means to it involves manipulating human beings against their will.  When the method is perverted, the goal, even if it sounds laudable on paper, must become perverted…)

“In 1954 the Reece Committee, chaired by Carroll B. Reece, produced its findings regarding the influence of tax-exempt foundations in the field of education.* The report also briefly mentions their influence in politics, propaganda, social sciences and international affairs. The Rockefeller Foundation, Ford Foundation, Carnegie Foundation and others were discussed during the Committee hearings.

The Reece Committee was smeared by the media and by John D. Rockefeller the 3rd himself as being wholly inaccurate, but historical hindsight gives us a perspective that shows what the Committee found is far closer to the truth than Rockefeller would have you believe.

A predominant theme found in the Committee’s findings is the desire of the foundations and those behind them to create a system of world governance. The use of propaganda and social engineering was identified as a means to and end to achieve this goal. In 1932, the president of the Rockefeller Foundation, Max Mason, stated that “The social sciences… will concern themselves with the rationalization of social control…”

The Committee cited a report from the President’s Commission on Higher Education, published in 1947, which outlines the goals of social engineering programs; The realization on part of the people of the necessity of world government “…psychologically, socially and… politically”. The cited report states,

“In speed of transportation and communication and in economic interdependence, the nations of the globe are already one world; the task is to secure recognition and acceptance of this oneness in the thinking of the people, as that the concept of one world may be realized psychologically, socially and in good time politically.

It is this task in particular that challenges our scholars and teachers to lead the way toward a new way of thinking. There is an urgent need for a program for world citizenship that can be made a part of every person’s general education.

It will take social science and social engineering to solve the problems of human relations. Our people must learn to respect the need for special knowledge and technical training in this field as they have come to defer to the expert in physics, chemistry, medicine, and other sciences.” [emphasis added] (p. 483)

Rene A. Wormser, author of the book Foundations: Their Power and Influence, served as counsel for the Committee. Wormser discussed the investigation of the social sciences on part of the foundations – such as the Rockefeller and Carnegie foundations – and the influence that they wield.

“Mr. WORMSER. Professor, back to this term “social engineering,” again, is there not a certain presumption, or presumptuousness, on the part of social scientists, to consider themselves a group of the elite who are solely capable and should be given the sole opportunity to guide us in our social development? They exclude by inference, I suppose, religious leaders and what you might call humanistic leaders. They combine the tendency toward the self-generated social engineering concept with a high concentration of power in that interlocking arrangement of foundations and agencies, and it seems to me you might have something rather dangerous.” [emphasis added] (p. 579)

The Committee lists the various organizations who were involved with the Rockefeller Foundation’s investigation of the social sciences. Also identified were other organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations, which have been instrumental in crafting globalist policy.

“When the Rockefeller Foundation turned to the social sciences and the humanities as the means to advance the “well-being” of humanity, the section entitled “Social Sciences” in the annual report was set up under the following headings, which remained unchanged until 1935:

General Social Science Projects : Cooperative Undertakings.
Research in Fundamental Disciplines.
Interracial and International Studies.
Current Social Studies.
Research in the Field of Public Administration.
Fundamental Research and Promotion of Certain Types of Organization.
Fellowships in the Social Sciences.

The report states that the arrangement was for the purpose of “simplification and in order to emphasize the purpose for which appropriations have been made.”

In the decade 1929-38 the foundation’s grants to social-science projects amounted to $31 .4 millions and grants were made to such agencies as the Brookings Institution, the Social Science Research Council, the National Research Council, the Foreign Policy Association, the Council on Foreign Relations, and the Institute of Pacific Relations in this country as well as a dozen or more in other countries, and the Fiscal Committee of the League of Nations.” (p. 879)

A campaign to smear the Reece Committee began shortly after it was released. John D. Rockefeller the 3rd himself responded to the findings of the Committee, flatly denying that the Rockefeller foundation or any of the organizations that it has given money to has ever advocated world government. Rockefeller states,

“If the expression “one-world theories of government” means anything, it means world government. No shred of evidence is presented in the report to show that the Rockefeller Foundation or any of the organizations to which it has made grants has advocated world government.” (p. 1104)

With the advantage of historical hindsight, this claim from Rockefeller is easily debunked. In reality, the Rockefeller family has – from a very early date – promoted globalism and world government, which today is almost a reality. The following are a few examples of Rockefeller influence over the past several decades. Programs of social engineering designed to acclimate the people to globalist policy and goals, combined with pushes for global governance have been pushed on the American people for almost 100 years.

The Interchurch World Movement

An early project of the Rockefeller family was the Interchurch World Movement, started in 1919. John D. Rockefeller Jr., the son of John D. Rockefeller the 3rd, founded the IWM. Charles E. Harvey, professor of history at California State University, wrote a history of the Interchurch World Movement in a 1982 paper titled “John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and the Interchurch World Movement of 1919-1920: A Different Angle on the Ecumenical Movement. The IWM goal was to consolidate the churches into a single organization that would control the direction of the churches as a whole. The IWM, in Rockefeller’s own words had a globalist slant. He writes,

“I do not think we can overestimate the importance of this Movement. As I see it, it is capable of having a much more far-reaching influence than the League of Nations in bringing about peace, contentment, goodwill and prosperity among the people of the earth.”

A revealing letter written by Rockefeller himself showed that he saw a potential for ensured “stability” by gaining control over the churches.

“I know of no better insurance for a businessman for the safety of his investments, the prosperity of the country and the future stability of our government than this movement affords…” [1]

The Federal Council of Churches

A later organization, the Federal Council of Churches, also highlights Rockefeller’s investment in world government promoting organizations.

Not surprisingly, the Federal Council of Churches – which was merged with the National Council of Churches in 1950 – received significant funding from John D. Rockefeller Jr. [1] Using a similar corporate structure of churches that the Interchurch World Movement first pioneered, the program developed several agendas for churches to adopt, with world government named as the ultimate goal. As reported by Time magazine in 1942,

“These are the high spots of organized U.S. Protestantism’s super-protestant new program for a just and durable peace after World War II:

>Ultimately, “a world government of delegated powers.”

>Complete abandonment of U.S. isolationism.

>Strong immediate limitations on national sovereignty.

>International control of all armies & navies.

> “A universal system of money … so planned as to prevent inflation and deflation.”

> Worldwide freedom of immigration.

> Progressive elimination of all tariff and quota restrictions on world trade.

> “Autonomy for all subject and colonial peoples” (with much better treatment for Negroes in the U.S.).

> “No punitive reparations, no humiliating decrees of war guilt, no arbitrary dismemberment of nations.”

> A “democratically controlled” international bank “to make development capital available in all parts of the world without the predatory and imperialistic aftermath so characteristic of large-scale private and governmental loans.”

This program was adopted last week by 375 appointed representatives of 30-odd denominations called together at Ohio Wesleyan University by the Federal Council of Churches. Every local Protestant church in the country will now be urged to get behind the program. “As Christian citizens,” its sponsors affirmed, “we must seek to translate our beliefs into practical realities and to create a public opinion which will insure that the United States shall play its full and essential part in the creation of a moral way of international living.” [2]

The United Nations

After World War II, John D. Rockefeller Jr. donated the land which holds the United Nations headquarters in New York City with a gift of $8.5 million. The U.N. has served as an outlet for various Rockefeller initiatives since its founding. Steven C. Rockefeller, former chair of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund board of trustees, has been intimately involved with the United Nations Earth Charter. During the early stages of the Earth Charter, he chaired the Earth Charter International Drafting Committee from 1997 to 2000.

The Atlantic Union

Nelson Rockefeller was a major proponent of the Atlantic Union between the United States and Europe. Today, this vision is a step closer to reality with the founding of the Transatlantic Economic Council in 2007. Gary Allen documents Rockefeller’s influence in the push for an Atlantic Union in The Rockefeller File (1976),

“In The Future of Federalism, Noble Nelson proclaimed:

No nation today can defend its freedom, or fulfill the needs and aspirations of its own people, from within its own borders or through its own resources alone …. And so the nation-state, standing alone, threatens, in many ways, to seem as anachronistic as the Greek city-states eventually became in ancient times.

Get it? The man who could not be elected to the White House, but managed to arrange an entrance there anyway, says that a free and independent United States is now anachronistic.

Webster’s defines “anachronism” as something from a former age that is incongruous in the present. Every effective World Government proponent learns early in the game some rhetorical tricks, such as calling black “white.” Nelson Rockefeller is no exception. In the same book, he suggests:

The federal idea, which our Founding Fathers applied in their historic act of political creation in the eighteenth century, can be applied in this twentieth century in the larger context of the world of free nations – if we will but match our forefathers in courage and vision.” [1]

The Alliance of Civilizations

As an example of the Rockefeller family’s continued commitment to social sciences and social engineering, the Alliance of Civilizations (AoC) Media Fund program for evaluating psychophysiological responses to media is a good place to start. The AoC is part of the organization’s “Rapid Response Media Mechanism” that is dedicated to oversee and attempt to guide the content of a variety of media outlets including Hollywood. With the goal of creating “…religious and cultural pluralism as a global value”, the AoC is supporting research into “…the process by which images of violence and humiliation affect physiological responses and behavior.” The research will further investigate,

“The use of psychophysiological (skin conductance, heart rate and impedence, hormone levels, etc.) and neuroimaging methods capture activation of the brain and body as individuals interact with media and/or out-group members, shedding light on how individuals’ emotions and beliefs may change — even without their awareness.”

The research will, according to the AoC “…be used to generate policy recommendations for media persons and government officials.” The research is a special project of Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors.

The Alliance of Civilizations’ methods are similar to another U.N. organization, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). UNESCO receives regular grants from the Rockefeller Foundation. In the founding document for the organization, UNESCO Its Purpose and Its Philosophy, Sir Julian Huxley writes,

“Taking the techniques of persuasion and information and true propaganda that we have learnt to apply nationally in war, and deliberately bending them to the international tasks of peace, if necessary utilising them, as Lenin envisaged, to “overcome the resistance of millions” to desirable change. Using drama to reveal reality and art as the method by which, in Sir Stephen Tallent’s words, “truth becomes impressive and living principle of action,” and aiming to produce that concerted effort which, to quote Grierson once more, needs a background of faith and a sense of destiny. This must be a mass philosophy, a mass creed, and it can never be achieved without the use of the media of mass communication. Unesco, in the press of its detailed work, must never forget this enormous fact.”

If there is any doubt as to the Rockefeller family commitment to globalism and world government, take a look at the words of David Rockefeller on page 405 of his Memoirs,

“Some even believe we are part of a secret cabal working against the best interests of the United States, characterizing my family and me as ‘internationalists’ and of conspiring with others around the world to build a more integrated global political and economic structure – one world, if you will. If that is the charge, I stand guilty, and I am proud of it.”

Citation:

*See the full Reece Committee document here: Part 1, Part 2, Part 3, Part 4

The Interchurch World Movement

[1] Harvey, Charles E. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and the Interchurch World Movement of 1919-1920: A Different Angle on the Ecumenical Movement. Church History, Vol. 51, No 2. (Jun., 1982), p. 198-209.

The Federal Council of Churches

[1] lbid, Harvey. p. 205.

[2] “American Malvern.” Time. March 16, 1942. Available at: <http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,801396,00.html>

The Atlantic Union

[1] Allen, Gary. The Rockefeller File. Seal Beach, California: ’76 Press, 1976

Psyops 101: The Limited Hang-Out

Psyop Strategies: Limited Hang-Out

A “limited hangout” is used by Intelligence Organizations when a clandestine operation goes bad; or, a phony cover story blows up. When discovered the Intelligence Organization volunteers some of the truth while still managing to withhold key and damaging facts in the case.

The public is so intrigued by the new information it doesn’t pursue the matter further. The new disclosures are sensational, but superficially so. Some of the lesser scoundrels are identified and publicly exposed to twist uncomfortably on network TV and in the press.

The Shape-Shifting Of A Hitman

An old review I did of John Perkins’ “Confessions Of An Economic Hitman”:

“In August 1981, my bag was packed for my fifth visit to Panama when the news came to me over the telephone of the death of General Omar Torrijos Herrera, my friend and host. The small plane in which he was flying to a house that he owned at Coclesito in the mountains of Panama had crashed, and there were no survivors. A few days later, the voice of his security guard, Sergeant Chuchu, alias Jose de Jesus Martinez, ex-professor of Marxist philosophy at Panama University, professor of mathematics and a poet, told me, “There was a bomb in that plane. I know there was a bomb in that plane, but I can’t tell you why over the telephone.” [1]

In 1971, at the age of 26, John Perkins became what he called an economic hit man (EHM) for a secretive international consulting firm called Chas. T. Main, Inc. His job was to produce research to justify World Bank loans of billions of dollars to poor countries for public projects like dams and electrification. He was to produce economic forecasts for them of up to 20-25 years that were so exuberant that they would convince the governments to take the loans.

Straight out of the Peace Corps in Ecuador, Perkins was dazzled by the money, prestige, and James Bond aura his new life offered. Soon, he became a master of producing outrageous forecasts that brought in massive contracts for construction and engineering to Main and other US companies, like Bechtel, Halliburton and Brown and Root. Perkins’ work didn’t end with just enriching his firm, though. He claims he was also actively involved in schemes to bankrupt countries so that they would forever present easy targets for their first world creditors when the creditors were in need of military bases, access to resources, or votes in the UN. If the leaders of the targeted countries displayed too independent a style of thinking, the EHM was replaced by a more sinister figure — the jackal. The jackal simply eliminated the troublemaker. The jackals were the CIA-sanctioned thugs who instigate coups, abduct and assassinate. And behind them was the US military.

We have no idea how much of Mr. Perkins mea culpa is true. But if even a quarter of it has a toe-hold in reality, it will shock the average reader. By his account, the US government is running an empire of a size and duplicity unparalleled in world history.

Perkins’ first job was in Java, Indonesia, where a glamorous brunette with green eyes, Claudine, who worked as a consultant with Main, gave him the low down on his real function. Indonesia, she tells him, is likely to be the next domino to fall to communism after Vietnam. Indonesia also just happens to be oil rich and Muslim. His job is to make sure that it stays in hock to the international banks and aid organizations who want to lend it money.

“A large part of your job is to encourage world leaders to become part of a vast network that promotes U.S. commercial interest,” says she. “In the end, these leaders become ensnared in a web of debt that ensures their loyalty. We can draw on them whenever we desire — to satisfy our political, economic, or military needs . . . ” [2]

Heady stuff for a young man from a frigid Calvinist background in New England. looking for money and adventure. Of course, Perkins is married . . . with problems. And, of course, Claudine has to undertake all this initiation and training, seductively, in her own apartment. And of course, it is done over a bottle of Beaujolais . . . .

“Once you’re in, you’re in for life,” says his siren — somewhat improbably, considering Perkins’ various successful career moves since. [3]

Under the green eyes of big sister, Perkins will write the forecasts that make third world countries borrow billions from the World Bank to undertake mammoth utility projects. The money goes directly to the US contractors who get the lucrative bids; the projects never yield the benefits to the country that they are projected to. But in return for the “loans,” the countries are forced to let the US milk their natural resources, environment and infrastructure rapaciously.

What do the EHMs do?

They funnel money from the World Bank, the US Agency for International Development (USAID), and other foreign “aid” organizations into the coffers of huge corporations and the pockets of a few wealthy families who control the planet’s natural resources. Their tools include fraudulent financial reports, rigged elections, payoffs, extortion, sex, and murder. They play a game as old as empire, but one that has taken on new and terrifying dimensions during this time of globalization.

“It was not uncommon for us to seduce wives of oil company executives because that was a way of gaining information and learning things about their husbands.”

Our EHM then runs into a long-time Main forecaster, Howard Parker, whose conscience is still twitching. He refuses to pony up the inflated figures on Indonesia’s future energy needs that Main wants. Naturally, Perkins’s mentor, a Cary Grant double who will later become Main’s president, gets rid of Parker and promotes the more docile Perkins. Then it’s on to Panama. There, surrounded by graffiti announcing that Death for Freedom Is the Way to Christ, Perkins chats with the populist dictator Omar Torrijos. Torrijos, who wants to get the Japanese to build another Panama Canal, claims he needs bodyguards to protect him from the wrath of the Norte Americanos. Why? Perkins finds the answer in a desert in Iran, where a young radical introduces him to a victim of the Shah’s CIA trained Savak police. He is seated in the dark, in a wheelchair. Perkins catches the outline of the man’s face in profile — his nose has been cut off.

Comes the oil crisis of the 1970s, and the now savvy Perkins is given the task of finding out how to channel Saudi oil dollars back into the US. The answer is simple — outsource Saudi infrastructure to the US. Americans who are upset about losing jobs to Bangalore and Manila should console themselves with this episode in their country’s history. Aided by Perkins and Main, the US Treasury Department draws up a plan to bring modernity to Saudi Arabia, but it needs the help of the Saudi government and Perkins is given the job of convincing one Saudi prince — Prince W — whose weakness is blonds. Perkins procures “Sally,” a woman whose husband enjoys his own infidelities. The wages of pimping are hidden in expense accounts with posh Boston restaurants.

Through such titillating details do we learn of the swathe of plunder that the US has cut through the world — from Iran in the 1950s to Iraq in 2003 and of what happens to leaders who object. In Panama, Omar Torrijos is killed and Manuel Noriega is arrested and imprisoned. In Ecuador, Jaime Rold?s dies in a helicopter crash.

Then, at last, our hit-man’s somewhat supine conscience kicks him in the ankle, but only to lead him back later, one last time, into the mire. This time, he is an expert witness for the nuclear energy industry . . . at the same firm. One of his new jobs is to justify the Seabrook nuclear power plant to the New Hampshire Public Service Commission as the best and most economic choice to generate electricity in the state.

“Unfortunately,” he writes “the longer I studied the issue, the more I began to doubt the validity of my own arguments. I personally became uncomfortable with the position I was expected to take — was paid to take — under oath in what amounted to a court of law.”

It is after this last stint that he decides to quit. He enters his final incarnation — as a New Age guru. From prevaricating power plant purveyor to shape-shifting shaman might seem a bit of a hop, but the enterprising business major is equal to it. Soon, he is shuttling between home and the Amazon on trips intended to raise the consciousness of alienated gringos about indigenous cultures and the effects of globalization on them. His new career spawns several pre-Confessions tomes: Shapeshifting: Shamanic Techniques for Global and Personal Transformation; Spirit of the Shuar: Wisdom from the Last Unconquered People of the Amazon; The Stress Free Habit: Powerful Techniques for Health and Longevity from the Andes, Yucatan, and Far East; and Psychonavigation: Techniques for Travel Beyond Time.

We will let his blurb do the explaining:

“John Perkins relates his encounters with the Bugis of Indonesia, the Shuar of the Amazon, the Quechua of the Andes, and other psychonavigators around the world. He explains how the people of these tribal cultures navigate to a physical destination or to a source of inner wisdom by means of visions and dream wanderings. Learn to attract the inner guidance you seek.”

Dreams are important, Perkins says, because they enable the dreamer to visualize a different future, and then shape-shift to fit it. This shape-shifting varies: It can be cellular — which involves actual physical transformation, such as aging, or turning into a jaguar. It can be institutional — as when democracy emerged in the world. And it can be personal — as when one starts a new career, as Perkins did.

The bouncer at the New World Order club wakes up and smells the Ginseng. As New Age guru, the former hit man now urges people to put corporations to better use rather than simply attack them. We don’t need to get rid of Nike, he says. We just need to get Nike shoes on everyone. A McDonalds in every slum. Tom Friedman would feel right at home.

* * * * *

It’s all so inclusive . . . so warm and so very fuzzy we could easily not feel the hairs stand up on the back of our necks. But they do. We will explain why.

But first, we will explain why not.

It’s not that we find Perkins’ account outrageous, unbelievable or even implausible. In fact, we read the book at a sitting, feeling a bit of a let down. Mossadegh, Arbenz, Allende . . . the deposition of this smorgasbord of leaders by the CIA has never been seriously questioned . . . not even by the CIA. It’s all a matter not just of public record, but of PhD dissertations. Such stuff as stodgy careers at The Nation are made of.

So why does Perkins need all the Mata Hari trappings? Aha, says one suspicious critic, the man has just canvassed progressive opinion and tailored a book that perfectly plays to every anti-corporate globalist gallery and pulls at every Che-stricken heart-string, even to the point of dealing with media ownership — a concern right at the top for progressives, but an odd one for a truth-averse hit man.

And he may have a point. Perkins might talk the social consciousness talk but he walks the capitalist walk, with tidy book contracts from such fully paid members of the corporatocracy as Penguin books. From selling overpriced construction projects he’s simply gone on to selling social awareness. From limitless markets to “limitless potential.”

But if the book has been a capitalist success, it’s been one on its own . . . not because of the corporatocracy, but because of the free market. It was turned down 20 times before it got placed with an obscure San Francisco publisher; there was no advance, no marketing blitz; and, it was ignored by every major paper and magazine in the country. Yet, it’s been on the New York Times bestseller list and sold twice as many copies as Globalization and Its Discontents — the oeuvre of Nobel laureate and one-time World Bank chief Joseph Stiglitz. Anti-corporate globalization gurus cited it at their bash at Porto Alegre, and we hear it’s even managed to make it to Hugo Chavez’s reading list. Soon it will be turned into a film. Doubtless we can look forward to seeing Catherine Zeta-Jones in the role of Claudine.

But, we do not begrudge the book its success. If Perkins has looked steely-eyed at what the public wants and given it to them, and accomplished this without force or fraud, more power to him. And if a life of crime unfits you to be a preacher man, we will have to erase half of history’s most persuasive pulpit-pounders, from Saul of Tarsus to Jim Bakker of PTL.

Nor do we grudge Perkins his Damascene conversion. We do not mind — as some do — the vignettes of his sexual peccadilloes, his drinking, his bouts of depression and anger, or his convenient conversion from empire-flack to empire-foe, once he’s made his million. Even a hit man’s reach should exceed his grasp, or what’s Shambhala for?

And, we also don’t doubt the essential truth of what the book says, though we may quibble with the details. True, there’s not much hard evidence to hang onto now that EHMs are defunct and Parker and Torrijos are dead. Parsons Corporation, which bought out Main in 1985, claims it no longer has Main’s records, so the Sally story can’t be verified. And, the Cary Grant double who might know, Bruno Zambotti, isn’t talking. Other Main employees claim they don’t know what Perkins is about and accuse him of leaving not out of a crisis of conscience but because he “thought he was worth more than he was.”

Still, one would pretty much expect that to be the case. Cloak and dagger work is usually done, well, with a cloak and a dagger. Your neighbors don’t know. Most often, your wife and kids don’t know either. And, people do move on . . . or die.

The US government’s media department might call the book a fantasy. But, scanning the page they devote to it, we find it remarkably free of any concrete criticism. The government’s defense is simple:

The National Security Agency, which Perkins claims recruited him into his clandestine life, is really devoted to cryptography not espionage — just look what it says on its web page! [4]

But when we start believing the web page of a country’s defense department, dear reader, it will be time for us to trade in our pen and paper for eye-shades and a hearing-aid. We don’t know any spy agency that announces its operations on the door plate. Or posts the curriculum vitae of its alumni on the web.

The other criticisms the government hacks make are just as light-weight.. Perkins, they claim, also writes weird books on outre New Age topics . . . like shamans, and psychic travel. The implication is that Confessions is some kind of peyote-induced raving.

This is even thinner stuff than the NSA bit — especially since the American government itself is knee deep in the New Age. You didn’t know? Dear me, yes. Uncle Sam has been channeling, astral traveling, and bending spoons for quite awhile. As Jon Ronson tells it, it’s even in the business of staring into the eyes of goats. Why would it do that? Because, according to ancient yoga texts, a powerful psychic force directed into someone’s eyes can kill them.

That would be a lot cheaper than Abrams tanks and Daisy-Cutters, we imagine. Naturally, Don Rumsfeld and the cost-cutting brigade at the Pentagon got interested. But the goats were impervious, alas. No, next to the CIA and the Pentagon, we do not believe that Mr. Perkins can come even close to the bizarre. [5]

Then the government delivers the coup-de-grace. Perkins, they claim is a conspiracy theorist, who is on record claiming that 9-11 was an inside job.

Actually, Perkins doesn’t quite say what sort of a job 9-11 was, except that it didn’t look obviously like the work of a cave-dwelling Saudi on the lam. But even if he were to subscribe to every article of the alternative 9-11 dogma, from remote-controlled airlines to missiles hitting the Pentagon, it hardly undermines his case. The government wouldn’t do such a thing? No? What about the little matter of Operation Northwoods, put in place by only the post-war’s most popular president, Dwight Eisenhower. Northwoods was a plan for the US government to attack and kill its own citizens to provide a rationale for the county to go to war with Cuba. And recently we have learned that the US has had an operation going on in Europe since the end of WW II to knock off European citizens and put the blame on socialists to discredit them politically. Remote controlled airlines? Well, there is that Boeing system meant to foil hijackers. It’s been in place in some countries since the early 1990s. As for conspiracy theory, what would you call a group of people getting together to put through a plan to dominate the world? A quilting circle?

Dear reader, if you want a conspiracy theory, you don’t need Perkins or debates about the temperature at which jet fuel ignites. You need look no farther than the well known, clear as daylight “Project for the New American Century,” signed by the DC punditry’s most high-flying mainstream names from Bill Kristol to Francis Fukuyama.

But now we explain why Perkins’ book unsettles us:

The first problem with the book is all the parts that are obviously false and filled with the kind of fuzzy clap-trap that the silliest of the anti-corporate globalizers like to spout. In some of his economic analysis, Perkins doesn’t sound remotely like an economist — even a bad one.

The second problem with the book is — all the parts that are obviously true. The overthrow of Mossadegh, Arbenz, Noriega, and the rest are a matter of history. The US Treasury Department did create a commission called JECOR, under which the Saudis bid out all the construction projects in the country to foreign companies.

As for the motivations of the IMF and the World Bank, Perkins hasn’t gone half as far as Jude Wanniski, one-time economic adviser to Ronald Reagan and a senior editor of The Wall Street Journal, who likes to call the IMF-World Bank mafia an “Evil Empire.”

Wanniski does not mince words in describing the rationale for World Bank lending. It’s to get rid of the paper dollars accumulating in the vaults of private banks like Chase and Citicorp. Once America went off the gold standard in 1971, the paper could only lose value as it inflated. But lend them to foreign countries and the banks could be guaranteed a return . . . as long as you had the IMF — flush with tax payer dollars — stepping into the breach to collect the loan. It would force the countries to raise taxes on their people and devalue their currencies as part of the terms of the loan. [6]

So, we have no argument with Perkins on this. The World Bank and other organizations do routinely apply subtle and not so subtle pressure on governments to open up their countries to foreign contractors and privatization. Private companies do inflate their project estimates regularly. Einar Greve, the Norwegian who originally recruited Perkins to Main after his Peace Corps work in Ecuador and who also left the Tucson Electric Power in the thick of insider-trading allegations in 1989, did initially admit that Perkins was telling the truth, “Allowing for some author discretion, basically the story is true.”

Then he had second thoughts. Perkins and he didn’t meet on an airstrip but in a hotel bar; he doesn’t know anyone at the NSA . . . and even if he does, they wouldn’t talk about it to him. Perkins didn’t write to him from Ecuador and never set him up with Claudine. But Greve won’t come out and call Perkins a liar either. “I think that John,” he says, “really has convinced himself that a lot of this stuff is true.” [7]

We recognize weasel words as well as the next fellow. And we also recognize that Perkins’ psychological profile and background would have made him an ideal candidate for recruitment into a clandestine operation. Spy agencies don’t usually pick people with unshakable integrity. Habitual liars with a weakness for liquor, lucre, and loose living are what they want — they are easier to control. We would have had our doubts about the book if Perkins had confessed to being a celibate, tee-totaling origamist. We think Greve got it right the first time. The story is true.

Our problem with it is that it’s not true enough. Why does Perkins wait 33 years to come out with his tale? If his conscience hurt him as an EHM for Main, why did he leave and then go back to lie for the nuclear power industry? Why does he name no names, yet hint that he fears nameless retribution? Perkins points fingers at no one, using secondary material to back his claims most of the time. A Vanity Fair article is the source for his story about the Saudis. Why would the government bother with a book so thinly documented? Undergraduate papers on American foreign policy dig up more evidence every day. And, we wonder why the government didn’t try and do a better job trashing the book if it was so dangerous. That makes us think the book might not be dangerous . . . or even subversive at all.

We make no allegations, of course. We know nothing more than what we read in the papers about it. Confessions might be a fabrication from beginning to end . . . or it may be the most authoritative piece of writing since Moses came down from Mt. Sinai. We have no way of knowing. But that is the point. A book about the dirty deeds of empire that is neither verifiable nor falsifiable, does no real damage, and has a conclusion that would gladden the heart of Thomas Friedman, strikes us as one which the powers that be might actually want to cultivate. If we take Perkins at his word, Nike or McDonald’s or Pepsi or any of the lumbering giants of the corporate-state don’t have to get out of bed with their imperial paramour. They simply have to add a little do-gooding to their balance sheets. All that’s needed, says the reformed hit man, is a little shape-shifting for corporations. And really, they don’t even have to do that. They just have to put up a web-page saying they do. That should be evidence enough.

Copyright  2007 by Lila Rajiva.

ENDNOTES

[1] Getting to Know the Generals, Graham Greene, New York: Pocket Books, p. 1984, p. 11, cited in Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, John Perkins, New York: Plume, January 2006, p. 186.

[2] Perkins, op.cit., pp. 20-1.

[3] Perkins, op.cit., p. 17.

[4] “Confessions — or Fantasies — of an Economic Hit Man?” U.S. Department of State, February 2, 2006.

[5] The Men Who Stare at Goats, Jon Ronson, Simon & Schuster, April 5, 2005.

[6] “Confession of an Economic Hit Man,” Jude Wanniski, Lew Rockwell, January 25, 2005.

[7] “Economic Hit Man,” Maureen Tcacik, Boston Magazine, July 2005.

Bob Dylan: Individualist Or Ideologue?

A socialist asks if Bob Dylan “sold out”

“The implication of the initial question is that Bob Dylan was a committed, full-time member of the early 60s movement that we will call ‘folk protest’; and then later on he sold out, abandoning his left-wing principles in the name of making different types of music – more personal songs, a rock and roll style.

Well, clearly as the 60s progressed, Dylan moved away from protest songs and made many different types of music. But far too many histories of the era take a very, well, dialectical perspective, based on two types of Dylan: one, the author of Blowin’ in the Wind, Masters of War, and all the rest; and the other, the cool, disengaged rock and roller of the mid sixties, who dismissed his earlier songs as “finger-pointing songs”, a phrase calculated to upset the likes of us, and rejected all that they represented.

This way of looking at things rules out so many important factors – including his pre-Greenwich Village life, and the almost four decades since he played those shows with The Hawks and caused such outrage, and most importantly, the reasons for and the nature of the shift that undeniably took place. I think implicit in the question of whether Dylan sold out is another question – ‘Did Dylan buy in?’ If we can look more honestly and realistically about where Dylan was coming from in the early and mid sixties, we can make a more meaningful assessment of that ‘selling out’ era.

As a general point, I find it best not to be surprised, or too disappointed, when my musical heroes don’t agree with me politically. I have always felt that it was best not to judge my musical heroes, with left-wing tendencies, by the same standards as I would judge say, members of the same political party as me, or colleagues of mine in the trade union I work for, or people who explicitly claim to be something like a socialist, a Marxist, or whatever.

Bob Dylan, Bruce Springsteen, Billy Bragg, Steve Earle, none of them have ever claimed to be proper socialists. Bragg comes close; Earle even closer in some ways, claiming he is a borderline Marxist, but although I think he is head and shoulders above those others, politically, I am not sure he fully knows what that means. Anyway it is far better to have low political expectations of your musical heroes. Then when they do good, solid left-wing things, it’s a bonus.

A comment from Mike Davis on the blurb of Mike Marqusee’s book on Bob Dylan caught my attention. He says that Marqusee “rescues” Dylan “from the condescension of his own later cynicism”. Now, apart from being one of those smug, patronising statements that turn people away from your cause, this quote demonstrates what I am talking about. Dylan doesn’t need rescuing!

Left-wing readers may need rescuing from Dylan’s later cynicism; his protest songs themselves may even need rescuing from the same thing, so that they can still be enjoyed as what they were – among the greatest left-wing protest songs ever written. But to say that Dylan himself needs rescuing is breathtakingly arrogant, because it suggests that whoever is saying it knows the mind of Dylan better than Dylan himself. Has he listened to Blood on the Tracks? Or Time Out of Mind? Or any number of Dylan’s other great albums? The rest of us struggle to understand the workings of Dylan’s mind, and so we are in no position to second-guess him, although I’m about to try. But Dylan does not need rescuing from himself.

So let’s get down to the question, or rather the two questions as I’ve interpreted it – did Bob buy in, and did he sell out. First, some basic facts, which I think these days are beyond debate.

Bob Dylan started off as a teen rock and roller with no politics or folk music in his work. He played Little Richard numbers on his piano, he rarely played the guitar, and it took a long time before he started writing songs.

Once in New York, he became part of the burgeoning folk protest movement, and in 1962 and 1963 made two albums, Freewheelin’ and The Times They Are A-Changing, which helped begin the definition of a generation. I don’t think I am engaging in hyperbole when I say that. These albums were full of acoustic protest songs which need no introduction – songs which were at once directly political and wonderfully poetic. ‘Blowin in the Wind’, ‘Masters of War’, ‘The Lonsesome Death of Hattie Carroll’, ‘The Times They Are A-Changing’. These songs had some effect, though it’s impossible to say how much, in galvanising and broadening the appeal of the civil rights and peace movements of the early 60s.

In the mid-sixties he left the folk scene behind, wrote songs about a variety of less political and more personal topics, and made more electric rock and blues music. Subsequently, he has made great albums in many genres – older-style folk, country, rock and roll, blues…Dylan is such a great songwriter that he transcends genre. Since the mid 60s, bar the odd political song and a flirtation with born-again Christianity, he has stayed out of politics, and these days seems comfortable performing for the Pope and selling an old live recording through Starbucks.

So far, so uncontroversial.

Now I would just like briefly to cover the argument that Dylan going electric, and all of the hoo-ha that accompanied it, was a political sell-out. Many of you will have seen the footage and read accounts of the set with the Butterfield Blues Band at the 1965 Newport Folk Festival, and his 66 tour with The Hawks. These moves were of enormous historical significance for music, but not for politics.

For an acoustic folk singer, as Dylan was then seen, to go electric was a huge deal, not least because at the time he was subject to a hell of a lot of criticism. But that was because many people felt that electric meant pop. Years later, we know that serious messages can come from electrified music. From a political perspective, we shouldn’t dwell on Dylan going electric. You can sing political and non-political songs both electric or acoustic.

‘Folk’ does not mean ‘left-wing’. Before Pete Seeger ever played a guitar, people were singing folk music about their washing lines. And some great left-wing music has been recorded with electrification. So although at the time many people did equate an abandonment of acoustic music with selling out politically, it’s not a good argument.

Whether he sold out is a legitimate question, but using Dylan’s switch to electric music as justification for arguing that he did so doesn’t hold up.

Before Dylan wrote and played his outright folk protest songs, he was already playing what you might call that authentic, older-styled folk music. The quintessentially American music that everyday people would play to each other around the camp-fire, in their homes in the country, in the fields – music which could be about anything; not necessarily even vaguely political. Music chronicled by Alan Lomax and Harry Smith, usually based on either blues or country.

Dylan went back to this music not long after the Greenwich Village days, when he recorded the Basement Tapes with The Band in Woodstock; and he has returned to that music many times since, on record and in concert. One thing seems clear: Woody Guthrie, who was an exponent of both political and what might be called “pre-political” folk music, was an early hero of Dylan’s. Not just in terms of the politics: Dylan was attracted to Guthrie’s story-song style; his finger-picking techniques; his travelling hobo persona (to the extent that Dylan invented tales of his own travels); and his politics, which were very much for the common person, against oppression, and for a fair deal.

But maybe Dylan only paid lip service to each of these aspects of Guthrie’s personality and life. The young Dylan never travelled in the same way that Guthrie did; he wasn’t satisfied with sticking to the story-song spoken blues, let alone acoustic finger-picking; and, in terms of politics, while Guthrie was a sometime member and long-time supporter of the Communist Party, who dedicated the latter half of his life to the struggle, Dylan never went anywhere near that far.

So exactly how political was Dylan?

Richard Farina, with whom Dylan lived in the early 60s, characterises the politics of Dylan at the time as feeling “the intolerability of bigoted opposition to civil rights”. Fairly bland in itself. But Farina goes on to say that Dylan found opposition to such basic rights as an absurdity, and consequently he found it easy to write songs about it. The issue was open-and-shut, and so good material for songs; especially when there were specific, horrific case studies at hand – natural topics for songs like The ‘Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll’, and ‘Only a Pawn in Their Game’. The nuclear bomb situation seemed similarly obvious and clear-cut to Dylan – hence Masters of War.

Even then, Farina points out that it was always the music that mattered to Dylan, not the politics. Not that he didn’t believe in what he was singing about; in that sense he was very much a part of the civil rights movement, and an important one at that. But artistically speaking, the political issues were being used by the songs, not the other way round.

And Dylan has always – always – been an artist over and above anything else. And just as Dylan’s songs made use of the issues, in a general sense Dylan himself made use of the folk protest movement. Fame was not an end in itself – but Dylan was wily enough to realise that without it, he would not get the opportunity to practice his art with as much freedom as he wanted.

But as I hope I have made clear, I don’t believe that the exploitation here was all one way. Dylan did believe in the politics he was singing about – as I have said, it was the very fact that he believed them so strongly that made him put them in song. And the exploitation that went on was two-way, as Dylan used the movement to a degree, and the movement used him.

But one of the things that impressed me most about Martin Scorsese’s recent documentary about those years was that he wasn’t painted either as an all-out left-wing firebrand or as an unbelieving and cynical user. Cynicism may have come on later, but at the time, Dylan did go far beyond what he needed to do if he was only in it to advance his own career. And Scorcese’s film makes that point with its footage of Dylan, with only an acoustic guitar and a harmonica, playing songs for black sharecroppers in a field in the Deep South.

That footage was from Dylan’s trip, along with Theo Bikel and Pete Seeger, to a voter-registration drive in Greenwood, Mississippi – the kind of gradualist method for improving civil rights that President Kennedy approved of. The trip in itself proved that Dylan had some sort of belief in, and commitment to, the protest movement of the time, and the footage made quite an impression on me personally.

The trip was to be a significant one in other ways too. He debuted ‘Only a Pawn in Their Game’, a superb song telling the story of the murder of Medgar Evers, an NAACP activist. Also at the time, Dylan had long conversations with Jim Forman, the Secretary of the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee, and Dylan was impressed by what Forman had to say – questioning the effectiveness of the slow-moving Kennedy reforms, expressing outrage at Kennedy’s refusal to protect vote-registration workers, and favouring more direct action.

Nearly all chroniclers of Dylan’s career at that time accept that Dylan, Joan Baez and the rest were an integral part of that gradual approach – basically taking up the baton from Kennedy’s inaugural address and taking it to the people. Forman and SNCC rejected their approach. And in ‘Only a Pawn’ Dylan seems to lean towards Forman’s views – the murder wasn’t simply the white murderer’s fault – “it ain’t him to blame” – he is only a pawn in their game. There was a real structural problem here which required a more dramatic approach than the non-confrontational methods favoured up to that point.

Around the same time, Dylan wrote an apology to the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, for making a speech (which you may remember from the Scorsese documentary) when he accepted the group’s Tom Paine award, where he compared himself to Lee Harvey Oswald and attacked bald politicians for being bald, and bourgeois Negroes for wearing suits on the platform at the Great March on Washington, and “generally pissed on liberalism” as Dave Marsh puts it. But what is interesting is that his apology makes it crystal clear that his treatment of the ECLU event was not because he was rejecting left-wing politics; in actual fact, his behaviour represented a radicalisation, offering support to the Black Panther position that direct action led by black people, not white people, was the only solution to civil rights problems. The only thing he rejected was the liberal, white-led folk protest movement.

Dylan did perform at the March on Washington, despite Jim Forman discouraging attendance. But by this point his protest days were numbered. Dylan was increasingly struck by what the folk protest movement had or rather hadn’t achieved, its naivete, and as Marqusee points out, the authoritarian and hence hypocritical way in which it was run. He faced a choice: break off from the musical-political movement that had given him fame, and embrace a more direct form of political action; or, still break off from the musical-political movement that had given him fame, and retreat into himself, artistically.

Either way, events, lack of progress and the influence of others had helped persuade him that a new direction was required. And this is where we go back to a point I made earlier: above all else, Bob Dylan was and is an artist. So of those two choices, with hindsight, there can have been little doubt about which he would choose. And there should be no surprise. Such complicated political feelings as he was going through at the time would not make good song material.

I’ve had a look at the discussion on the Workers’ Liberty website, and the point is made that, from 1964 onwards, after the album The Times They Are A-Changing, Dylan still wrote political songs, damning critiques of the political elite, big business, inequality, and so on. His very next album, Another Side Of, contained some of these songs – like ‘Chimes of Freedom’. And not too long afterwards he wrote ‘It’s Alright Ma (I’m Only Bleeding)’, one his most lyrically brilliant songs, and a superb indictment of modern society.

I think Mike Marqusee’s central thesis is that Dylan’s post-acoustic songs of the mid-sixties – during that run of three magnificent, magnificent, albums – were actually full of social and political comment: ‘Maggie’s Farm’ is a class-based cry of rage against wage labour; ‘It’s Alright Ma’ is a damning indictment of a hypocritical, greedy and corrupt society. And there are more examples.

It is certainly true that Dylan didn’t retreat totally into himself, pulling back from any social awareness. But while we don’t have time to pick lots of songs and albums apart here, I’m not sure I’m with Marqusee all the way.

It seems to me that by the mid-sixties, Dylan was taking pot-shots against all manner of people and groups. He’d sweep in, condemn someone poetically, brilliantly and concisely, then move off somewhere else. And that would be that. Just like in the past, the ideal, the opinion, served the song; not the other way around. But now he would publicly deny any politics – ok he answered hecklers with “come on man, these are all protest songs”, but they weren’t. They were commentary. As he said to folk singer Phil Ochs at the time, “The stuff you’re writing is bullshit…the only thing that’s real is inside you. Your feelings. Just look at the world you’re writing about and you’ll see you’re wasting your time. The world is, well – it’s just absurd”.

You could say that while Dylan still ruled the counter-culture, he provided its apolitical, its personal direction – not its political direction. From a political perspective, the songs became increasingly less specific, less pointed, and with less purpose. He wrote for himself, and never even attempted to use them externally – and nor would he dream of licensing others to do so. One of the most memorable instructions on the 1965 album Bringing it All Back Home was this one: “don’t follow leaders”. He included himself among those leaders. He was moving away from the movement.

And in many ways, from the same album, It’s Alright Ma’ sums up most of what Dylan has ever tried to get across in song. The tension between the peaceful, folky style of protest on the one hand, and the more direct and possibly violent solutions on the other hand is made clear with these lyrics:

As some warn victory, some downfall
Private reasons great or small
Can be seen in the eyes of those that call
To make all that should be killed to crawl
While others say don’t hate nothing at all
Except hatred.

And while presidents, advertising and various other ills of modern liberal democratic capitalistic society are condemned, Dylan constantly refers back to his individualistic outlook, and implicitly his rejection of collective action to solve the problems he’s mentioned:

An’ though the rules of the road have been lodged
It’s only people’s games that you got to dodge
And it’s alright, Ma, I can make it.

And finally, he admits to the presence in his mind of what would be seen as impure and unworthy thoughts by his former folk protest comrades:

And if my thought-dreams could be seen
They’d probably put my head in a guillotine
But it’s alright, Ma, it’s life, and life only.

Later on in Dylan’s career, there was the occasional direct protest song. In 1971 he released the single ‘George Jackson’, about the death in prison of the Black Panther; and more importantly, in 1975 he wrote and recorded ‘Hurricane’ – a long and detailed exposition and critique of the miscarriage of justice surrounding the boxer Reuben Carter, wrongly convicted of murder.

Dylan sings with urgency, anger and conviction. But even this song reads like a tacit admission of the failure of the folk protest movement: “if you’re black, you might as well not show up on the streets”. So much for voter-registration; inequality runs a lot deeper than that, as we know. In any case, these songs were isolated instances.

So, bringing all of this together so as to answer the original questions. Did Dylan buy in? Dylan bought in to an extent. He was a part-time member of that folk protest movement – he just happened to be by a long way its best songwriter and hence an invaluable asset to it. He did far more than he needed to if his only goal had been to become famous, cynically, on the back of the movement.

As he became more involved in the movement, he came to question it, and as a result he drifted away from it. He continued to write what from most other songwriters would be called dangerously revolutionary songs, and he continued to work and perform with well-known left-wing artists – Allen Ginsberg, Phil Ochs, and Joan Baez again in the 70s – but once the songs were written, that was it. He would play them live, sure, but as songs at Bob Dylan concerts, not as statements.

So did he sell out? Unless you live in the world of pigeon-holes and mass over-simplifications, then the answer has to be no. Just as he had gone into the folk protest movement both for reasons of expediency and belief, he came out of it both because he questioned where it was going and also, and moreover, because it was where his art was going. That last point is one too huge to examine here, but let us not forget that it is the central point: within two years of Another Side Of, Dylan had recorded probably the best three consecutive albums recorded by one person – Highway 61 Revisited, Bringing it all Back Home, and Blonde on Blonde. As Bruce Springsteen said in a recent interview (one which was very revealing, both musically and politically), “Trust the art, not the artist”. So did he sell out? Not really – he just moved on.”

Mike Short