Derrick Bell’s Rules Of Racial Standing:

FIRST RULE

The law grants litigants standing to come into court based on their having sufficient personal interest and involvement in the issue to justify judicial cognizance. Black people (while they may be able to get into court) are denied such standing legitimacy in the world generally when they discuss their negative experiences with racism or even when they attempt to give a positive evaluation of another black person or of his work. No matter what their experience or expertise, blacks’ statements involving race are deemed ‘special pleading’ and thus not entitled to serious consideration.

[Lila:That is, even on India and Indians, my opinion has to be confirmed by white observation, or it is demoted to special pleading. However, even the most uninformed white person can pronounce on anything under the sun, be completely wrong, and still be taken seriously. His objectivity is taken for granted. I can only be taken seriously on my own when I back a position that white society as a whole wants to see promoted and sees some advantage to itself in having a non-white person also “validate it.” ]

SECOND RULE
Not only are blacks’ complaints discounted, but black victims of racism are less effective witnesses than are whites, who are members of the oppressor class. This phenomenon reflects a widespread assumption that blacks, unlike whites, cannot be objective on racial issues and will favor their own no matter what. This deep seated belief fuels a continuing effort – despite all manner of Supreme Court decisions intended to curb the practice – to keep black people off juries in cases involving race. Black judges hearing racial cases are eyed suspiciously and sometimes asked to recuse themselves in favor of a white judge – without those making the request even being aware of the paradox in their motions.

[Lila: I don’t believe that whites constitute an oppressor class, en masse, obviously, since many whites are oppressed themselves and many non-whites join with the oppressor class. However, I do believe that white populations, relative to the central banking cartel – which is the main cause of the proliferation of war and poverty in the modern world – are privileged victims, in that their oppression – which is also severe – is cushioned by their position in the epicenter of power.]

THIRD RULE
Few blacks avoid diminishing t of racial standing, most of their statements about racial conditions being diluted and their recommendations of other blacks taken with a grain of salt. The usual exception to this rule is the black person who publicly disparages or criticizes other blacks who are speaking or acting in ways that upset whites. Instantly, such statements are granted ‘enhanced standing’ even when the speaker has no special expertise or experience in the subject he or she is criticizing.

[Lila: This was especially noticeable in cases like that of Trayvon Martin, when any non-white who could support the general white perception of the case was trotted out.]

FOURTH RULE
When a black person or group makes a statement or takes an action that the white community or vocal components thereof deem “outrageous,” the latter will actively recruit blacks willing to refute the statement or condemn the action. Blacks who respond to the call to condemnation will receive superstanding status. The blacks who refuse to be recruited will be interpreted as endorsing the statements and action and may suffer political or economic reprisals.

FIFTH RULE
True awareness requires an understanding of the Rules of Racial Standing. As an individuals understanding of these rules increases, there will be more and more instances where one can discern their workings. Using this knowledge, one gains the gift of prophesy about racism, its essence, its goals, even its remedies. The price of this knowledge is the frustration that follows recognition that no amount of public prophesy, no matter its accuracy, can either repeal the Rules of Racial Standing nor prevent their or prevent their operation.