And more research vindicating the premise of “Mobs, Messiahs, and Markets,” from the Journal of Evolutionary Psychology.
“Darwin was initially puzzled by costly traits such as peacock tails that could not be
accounted for by survival advantage; he later concluded that these were features that led to
reproductive advantage (1871). For humans, male displays of wealth may literally be a
costly signal analogue to the peacock’s tail (Miller and Todd, 1998). Displays of
prestigious consumer goods could be an honest signal of male mate value, as they would
indicate available resources as well as skills at acquiring wealth (Colarelli and Dettman,
2003). Veblen (1899/1953) remarked on the relationship between prestige and the
consumption of consumer goods and even suggested that inherited psychological
mechanisms were responsible for this relationship. Colarelli and Dettman (2003) note that
advertisers are well aware of the importance of prestige when marketing products, and will
try to associate a product with prestige even when there is no functional relationship. An
ethnographic study of Amazonian foragers and slash-and-burn farmers found that those
who had greater monetary resources allocated a greater portion of expenditures towards
luxury goods, and this tendency was stronger in men than in women (Godoy et al., 2007).
Male displays of wealth and social status may facilitate mating competition. During
ancestral times, men with greater resource control married younger women, married more
women, and produced offspring earlier (Low, 1998). Males who did not have substantial
resources or status may have been unable to establish long-term relationships. Across a
wide variety of societies, male reproductive success is a function of social and economic
status (Hopcroft, 2006). Even in current foraging societies that are relatively egalitarian,
men with higher status have more mating opportunities (Chagnon, 1992; Hill and Hurtado,
1996).
Several laboratory studies have demonstrated that situational primes making mating
effort salient can induce male intentions to increase economic power as well as allocate
financial resources to conspicuous products. Roney (2003) found that men reported
stronger ambition and desire to earn money when in the presence of attractive women. This
effect was even seen when the men simply viewed photographs of attractive women. In
another study, men who were shown photographs of attractive women had intentions to
allocate more money to conspicuous products, but not inconspicuous products
(Griskevicius et al., 2007). Neither men who viewed photographs of unattractive women,
nor women who viewed photographs of attractive or unattractive men exhibited this
pattern. In a third study, men who viewed photographs of attractive women discounted the
future more so when choosing between small monetary rewards than men who viewed
unattractive women or women who viewed pictures of men (Wilson and Daly, 2004)….”
Comment:
Marketers target our basic drives, where we tend to act with the crowd. For example, some middle class Americans try to buy the “lifestyles of the rich and famous” in response to aggressive marketing by realtors and bankers.
But once the rise in price begins, even those who’ve adopted a more individual and rational approach are compelled to buy or rish being priced out of the market. In the Indian farming crisis, as well, farmers were lured to buy expensive seeds by very aggressive marketing that played on religious sentiment and dazzled them with the prospect of extraordinary gains. (Link to follow).
One of the things I want to explore is to whether and how libertarian language (about “free choice” and “free speech”) needs to take into account these complexities.